Reports appeared indicates that Vladmir Putin personally
directed the Russian assault on U.S. elections.
Two senior
officials with direct access to the information say new intelligence shows that
Putin personally directed how hacked material from Democrats was leaked and
otherwise used. The intelligence came from diplomatic sources and spies working
for U.S. allies, the officials said.
Putin selected which material to leak and when, creating a
narrative that caused a disruption within the Democratic Party—which the press
eagerly followed and elaborated, on release by release. But Putin may have had
help in that planning.
Donald Trump denied Russian involvement despite being
briefed on the evidence multiple times. Now the White House indicates that
Trump may have already known Russia was involved, and that his request for
Putin to hack Hillary Clinton’s email was far from a joke.
White House press
secretary Josh Earnest contended Wednesday that it’s entirely feasible that
Trump was well aware of Russia’s interference well before the intelligence
community confirmed as much in October, a month before the election.
“There’s ample
evidence that was known long before the election and in most cases long before
October about the Trump campaign and Russia — everything from the Republican
nominee himself calling on Russia to hack his opponent,” Earnest told
reporters. “It might be an indication that he was obviously aware and
concluded, based on whatever facts or sources he had available to him, that
Russia was involved and their involvement was having a negative impact on his
opponent’s campaign.”
What did Trump know—and when did he know it?
Trump directly, publicly asked for Russia’s intervention,
promising that the press would play along.
“That’s why he was
encouraging them to keep doing it,” Earnest continued, referring to the
then-GOP presidential candidate’s invitation during a late-July news conference
for Russia to find Clinton’s missing emails. At the time, Trump added that
Russia would “probably be rewarded mightily by our press.”
And sure enough, the press did their part.
The New York Times
this week reported that “every major publication … published multiple stories
citing the D.N.C. and Podesta emails posted by WikiLeaks, becoming a de facto
instrument of Russian intelligence.”
So did Donald Trump, who helpfully pointed out the parts of
the emails that best fit the emerging narrative.
None of that
stopped Trump from reading aloud what he considered to be some of the most
damaging revelations from WikiLeaks hacks of Podesta’s personal account at his
massive campaign rallies and encouraging supporters to view the hacked emails
themselves because, he said, the media weren't reporting on it, although they
were.
Trump invited Russian participation, heartily engaged with
the information they provided, and worked to increase coverage. Even so,
Trump’s open invitation for Russia’s involvement was treated as a “joke”—as
just another wild statement from a candidate prone to wild statements.
Trump has stated that if his team made claims about Russia
involvement, it would be treated as a “conspiracy theory,” but Trump’s
connection to Russia has been treated over and over again as nothing but a
lark. A coincidence. Nothing to see here. Even when a connection has been
drawn, the assumption has often been that it was a matter of underlings
crossing paths. Carter Page gave a speech to Putin’s associates. No big deal.
Michael Flynn dines with Putin himself. No big deal. Paul Manafort works for
Putin for years, helping to stir turmoil in a democratically-elected government
and install Russia’s puppet while tearing down relationships to NATO. Well … No.
No big deal.
But there are other connections. Connections directly
between Trump and Putin.
Compiled by Damien Summer
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